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  • 1
    Article
    Article
    2015
    ISSN: 2183-2463 
    Language: English
    In: Politics and governance, 2015-03-31, Vol.3 (1), p.90-100
    Description: This article examines the cases of the European Defence Agency (EDA) and EU Intelligence Analysis Centre (IntCen) to argue that although they are comprised of high-level security experts, they do not constitute epistemic communities. Research on other groups of security experts based in Brussels has shown that epistemic communities of diplomats, military experts, security researchers, and civilian crisis management experts, among others, have been able to influence the trajectory of security integration by virtue of their shared knowledge. Importantly, these security epistemic communities have been shown to significantly impact outcomes of EU security policy beyond what would be expected by looking only at member-states’ initial preferences. In exploring two examples of “non-cases” that are at the same time very similar to the other examples, the author seeks to shed light on why some expert groups do not form epistemic communities, and how this changes the nature of their influence. In so doing, the goal is to sharpen the parameters of what constitutes epistemic communities, and to add to our understanding of why they emerge. The argument advanced in this article is that institutional context and the nature of the profession matter as preconditions for epistemic community emergence.
    Subject(s): European Union ; security ; epistemic communities
    ISSN: 2183-2463
    E-ISSN: 2183-2463
    Source: NORA - Norwegian Open Research Archives
    Source: Directory of Open Access Journals
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  • 2
    Language: German
    Description: Die Ständige Strukturierte Zusammenarbeit (SSZ) wurde erstmals 2017 umgesetzt. Es wird im ersten Teil der Arbeit auf die Vorgeschichte und Entwicklung der SSZ vor Lissabon eingegangen und ferner darauf, welche primärrechtlichen Grundlagen existieren. Im zweiten Teil wird die Entstehung der SSZ aufgezeigt und dargelegt, welche Schritte von den Mitgliedstaaten, dem Europäischen Rat und dem Rat gesetzt wurden, um die SSZ formell zu begründen. In weiterer Folge wird die Implementierung des SSZ-Beschlusses dargestellt, worunter der Umsetzungsfahrplan, die Liste der im Rahmen der SSZ auszuarbeitenden Projekte und die gemeinsamen Vorschriften für die Projekte fallen. Es soll ein umfassender Überblick über die europarechtlichen Regelungen und den Aufbau der SSZ gegeben werden, sodass der Leser am Ende dieser Arbeit ein umfangreiches Wissen über die SSZ erhält und so das Interesse geweckt wird, die weitere Entwicklung der SSZ zu verfolgen. The permanent structured cooperation (PESCO) was first established in 2017. The first part of the thesis deals with the history and development of PESCO before the Treaty of Lisbon and also with its legal foundations in primary law. The second part describes the emergence of the PESCO and explains which steps have been taken by the Member States, the European Council and the Council to create PESCO. Subsequently, the implementation of the PESCO decision will be explained, including the implementation roadmap, the list of projects to be developed within PESCO and the common rules for the projects. The aim is to provide a comprehensive overview of the provisions of European law and the structure of PESCO, so that the reader at the end of this thesis may have a comprehensive knowledge of PESCO and thus is encouraged to pursue the further development of it. vorgelegt von Karin Jeloucan Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Diplomarbeit, 2019 (VLID)3642865
    Subject(s): Gemeinsame Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik ; Europarecht ; Europäische Union
    Source: unipub Repository
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  • 3
    Language: English
    In: British journal of politics & international relations, 2018-02, Vol.20 (1), p.3-18
    Description: While parliaments have long been neglected actors in the analysis of security policy, a research literature on the subject is growing. Current research is focused primarily on how parliaments, relying on formal legal competences, can constrain governmental policies. However, this research needs expansion in three areas. First, informal sources of parliamentary influence on security policy deserve more systematic attention as the significance of parliaments often hinges on contextual factors and individual decision-makers. Second, we still lack a systematic understanding of the effects of parliamentary involvement on security policy. Finally, the role of parliaments for the politics of security is almost completely uncharted territory. When parliaments become involved in security policy, does it foster transparency and contribute to the politicisation of security policy so that security policy becomes a ‘normal’ political issue? The article reviews current research, derives findings from the contributions to this Special Issue, and spells out their wider implications.
    ISSN: 1369-1481
    E-ISSN: 1467-856X
    Source: Academic Search Ultimate
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  • 4
    Article
    Article
    2014
    ISSN: 1577-3388 
    Language: English
    In: Iberoamericana (Madrid, Spain), 2014-06-01, Vol.14 (53), p.184-187
    ISSN: 1577-3388
    E-ISSN: 2255-520X
    Source: JSTOR Arts & Sciences XI
    Source: Directory of Open Access Journals
    Source: Alma/SFX Local Collection
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  • 5
    Book
    Book
    2005
    ISBN: 9780731554690  ISBN: 0731554698 
    Language: English
    ISBN: 9780731554690
    ISBN: 0731554698
    Source: HathiTrust Digital Library Full View Worldwide
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  • 6
    Language: English
    In: Baltic Region, 2012-03-01, Vol.4 (1), p.28-43
    Description: This article is dedicated to the problems of deployment of the US anti-missile defence system in Eastern Europe. The European system of US missile defence is just one of the components of global US missile defence. This work aims to analyze possible Russia’s responses within military and political spheres. The measures proposed are divided into three subgroups: soft, medium and hard depending on the implementation of the adopted missile defence concept by the USA. This research employs the structure-system method and the method of actualization. The authors outline both positive and negative consequences of such actions for the Russian Federation, the USA, eastern European countries and the neighbouring countries, including the Baltic Sea states. The practical significance of this study consists in the proposed and justified responses of the Russian Federation that may serve as a basis for the scenarios of development of international situation and help to forecast the level of tension in Russia-US relations.
    Subject(s): Iskander ; aerospace defence ; NATO ; missile defence ; concept
    ISSN: 2079-8555
    E-ISSN: 2310-0524
    Source: Directory of Open Access Journals
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  • 7
    Language: English
    In: Estudios internacionales (Santiago, Chile), 2012-05-30, Vol.44 (170)
    ISSN: 0716-0240
    E-ISSN: 0719-3769
    Source: JSTOR Arts & Sciences IX
    Source: Directory of Open Access Journals
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  • 8
    Language: German
    In: Publizistik, 2012-09, Vol.57 (3), p.271-292
    Description: Mediale öffentliche Kommunikation ermöglicht, dass eine Gesellschaft Veränderungen ihrer Umwelt wahrnimmt und einen Diskurs über notwendige gesellschaftliche Anpassungsleistungen führen kann. Umweltbeobachtung und Anpassungsdiskurs müssen dabei aneinandergekoppelt sein. Solche Zusammenhänge am Beispiel der Kriegsberichterstattung und der Berichterstattung über verteidigungs- und sicherheitspolitische Fragen über einen längeren Zeitraum hinweg zu untersuchen ist das Hauptziel der vorliegenden Studie. Dazu haben wir eine Inhaltsanalyse in der FAZ und der Süddeutschen Zeitung zur Berichterstattung über Kriege und über Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik zwischen 1989 und 2000 durchgeführt. Dabei haben sich interessante zeitliche Beziehungen zwischen einzelnen Frames gezeigt. Wir konnten feststellen, dass bestimmte Aspekte der Kriegsberichterstattung zu einer erhöhten sicherheits- und verteidigungspolitischen Berichterstattung führten und dass überdies das Framing der Kriegsberichterstattung und das Framing der verteidigungspolitischen Berichterstattung in einem komplexen Wechselverhältnis zueinander stehen.Mass media communication makes societal changes visible and opens the platform for discussion and public debate. Observation of societal changes and public debate are intrinsically linked. Using the example of media coverage on war and questions of defense and security policies, we researched the relationship between societal changes and public debate in a longitudinal study. We performed a content analysis of the daily newspapers FAZ and Süddeutsche Zeitung for the time period of 1989–2000. The results showed interesting frame relationships between the coverage of single wars and the coverage of defense policies. Specific aspects of war coverage lead to more coverage of security and defense policy issues, and the framing of the one is interrelated to the framing of the other in complex ways.
    Subject(s): Zeitreihenanalyse ; Kriegsberichterstattung ; Time series analysis ; Inhaltsanalyse ; Social Sciences, general ; War reporting ; Framing ; Coverage of defense policies ; Berichterstattung zur Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik ; Content analysis
    ISSN: 0033-4006
    E-ISSN: 1862-2569
    Source: Alma/SFX Local Collection
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  • 9
    Language: English
    In: Journal of strategic security, 2010-07-01, Vol.3 (2), p.13-26
    Description: This article focuses on the regional requirements for a pacification of Afghanistan. For this purpose, Afghanistan is analytically “reframed” as part of South Asia. The hypothesis is that India is the only regional actor that might possess both the incentives and the capabilities to deal with the negative security externalities emanating from Afghanistan.In South Asia, material characteristics such as the delineation of the region and its power polarity are unclear. India’s role within the region is even more controversial. By examining India’s role within its security environment, this paper will suggest how this lack of clarity could be remedied. In light of the disputes between India and Pakistan and between Pakistan and Afghanistan, India’s involvement in the Afghan conflict is probably the most critical test case for India’s leadership potential. The following section elaborates a theoretical framework based on Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) and the concept of regional hegemony as one form of regional order.
    Subject(s): Foreign internal defense ; Southeast Asia ; Regional conflict ; Stabilization and reconstruction ; Conflict studies ; International relations
    ISSN: 1944-0464
    E-ISSN: 1944-0472
    Source: Directory of Open Access Journals
    Source: © ProQuest LLC All rights reserved〈img src="https://exlibris-pub.s3.amazonaws.com/PQ_Logo.jpg" style="vertical-align:middle;margin-left:7px"〉
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  • 10
    Language: English
    In: Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serii͡a︡ 4, Istorii͡a, 2018-12, Vol.23 (6), p.145-153
    Description: Introduction. Sweden and Finland obtain a special position within NATO strategy towards neutral states. The purpose of the paper is to analyze the background and perspectives for Sweden and Finland to join NATO in the 1990s – 2000s. This issue appeared on the top of agenda after these countries had entered the EU, and right after the Baltic states became members of NATO. Finland started to distant itself from Russia in 1990-1992, right after recognizing itself free from military and technical limitations set in the Peace treaty signed in 1947 and gaining an ability to arrange political and military alliances with other countries. Joining the Alliance has first appeared on the Finnish political agenda in the first half of the 1990s, though the political elite of Finland defining its practical relations with NATO also took into consideration the position of Russia since both countries had a long joint terrestrial border and close economic relations. Sweden started revising its foreign policy vector in 1991. The governing elite had an active discussion which ended with a compromise decision on preserving the neutral status of the country alongside with enforcing its defensive capacities. Since 1992, Finland and Sweden became participants of various agreements with NATO. Their armed forces and armaments systems have adopted the NATO standards, and have been working out their practical interaction during the joint military maneuvers and within Partnership for Peace program. In 2009 Nordic defense cooperation emerged, including three NATO participants – Iceland, Norway and Denmark. In April 2014 they signed an agreement on close military cooperation. Results. We can state without any doubt that Finland and Sweden would join NATO only when they face a real threat towards themselves. Russian policy in the region can be a trigger for that. After Crimea annexed Russia, the amount of advocates of joining NATO increased. Nevertheless, they still remain a minority. In this situation a referendum on joining NATO appears to have no perspectives. On the contrary, we should mark that both countries became involved into “crawling” integration into NATO structures: alongside with official Partnership for Peace program it takes place in the official European integration institutions. After joining the EU in 1995 Sweden and Finland are obliged to obey the joint European security and foreign policies, i.e. arranging their military and foreign policies with basic principles and directives developed jointly with other EU members, who are also participants of NATO. Thus, neutrality of these two states becomes a phantom, especially towards Russia.
    Subject(s): Cooperation ; non-alignment policy ; NATO ; neutrality ; finlandization ; preventive diplomacy
    ISSN: 1998-9938
    E-ISSN: 2312-8704
    Source: Directory of Open Access Journals
    Source: © ProQuest LLC All rights reserved〈img src="https://exlibris-pub.s3.amazonaws.com/PQ_Logo.jpg" style="vertical-align:middle;margin-left:7px"〉
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